Maestría en Estudios Políticos e Internacionaleshttps://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/27762024-03-28T20:45:25Z2024-03-28T20:45:25Z621A la sombra de la legalidadGonzález Gutiérrez, Jonathan Stevenhttps://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/368052023-12-01T00:38:56Zdc.title: A la sombra de la legalidad
dc.description.abstract: The cockfight is considered a subject of social debate because of the cruelty that evokes this tradition. Colombia as a rural country with a strong Hispanic and Caribbean influence has a remarkable cultural attachment to fighting cocks. The development of globalized departmental and municipal capitals, as well as the processes of internal migration of the national territory, have caused historical cultural phenomena. These phenomena, today, have been questioned in the social, legal and political fields. Therefore, cockfighting experienced a social transition; in the past it took advantage of being part of large municipalities as places of national and international sports meetings, but currently it is attacked and marginalized by ecological and animal ideologies. Also, the cockfight has gone from being the pro-electoral point of many politicians, to being judged by many of them especially those of popular election in the national and municipal order (Cárdenas, 2021). Thus, socio-political movements against cockfighting are present at national and international level, and although they use different strategies, depending on where they come from, they all aim at the legal prohibition of cockfighting. Cockfights act as thermometers of the social, political and legal changes that present-day society is experiencing. There is an obvious dichotomy in the concept of animal abuse between the breeding of fighting cocks and the production of poultry meat for human consumption. Demonstrating that we take advantage of animal suffering hiding in the production chain, and therefore we promote a process of social hypersensitivity showing animals as sentient beings and rejecting identity behaviors which, in turn, become new forms of crime in Colombian society.
dc.description: La riña de gallos es considerada un punto de debate social dados los escenarios de crueldad animal propios de su contexto. Colombia al ser un país rural con gran influencia hispánica y del Caribe, cuenta con un fuerte arraigo cultural hacia las aves de combate. El desarrollo de cabeceras departamentales y municipales globalizadas, reforzado con la migración interna que evidencia el territorio nacional, ha provocado fenómenos culturales históricos que hoy son cuestionados en el ámbito social, legal y político. La gallística pasó de aprovechar el concepto de las grandes urbes para sus encuentros nacionales e internacionales a ser atacada y marginalizada por las corrientes ecológicas y animalistas, y de ser considerada el fortín de innumerables políticos, a ser perseguida por políticos de elección popular en el orden municipal y nacional (Cárdenas, 2021). Los movimientos sociopolíticos en contra de la gallística se presentan a nivel nacional e internacional, aunque las estrategias usadas varían dependiendo el territorio, tienen un objetivo común: la prohibición legal de las peleas de gallos. Las riñas de gallos fungen de termómetro de los cambios sociales, políticos y legales que experimentan las sociedades actualmente. Se evidencia una dicotomía dado el concepto de maltrato animal, entre la crianza de aves de combate y el levante de aves para la cadena productiva, aprovechando la no visibilidad del sufrimiento animal para consumo que provoca procesos de hipersensibilidad hacia los animales como seres sintientes y llevando al rechazo social a los comportamientos identitarios que configuran nuevas formas del delito en la sociedad colombiana.
González Gutiérrez, Jonathan StevenThe cockfight is considered a subject of social debate because of the cruelty that evokes this tradition. Colombia as a rural country with a strong Hispanic and Caribbean influence has a remarkable cultural attachment to fighting cocks. The development of globalized departmental and municipal capitals, as well as the processes of internal migration of the national territory, have caused historical cultural phenomena. These phenomena, today, have been questioned in the social, legal and political fields. Therefore, cockfighting experienced a social transition; in the past it took advantage of being part of large municipalities as places of national and international sports meetings, but currently it is attacked and marginalized by ecological and animal ideologies. Also, the cockfight has gone from being the pro-electoral point of many politicians, to being judged by many of them especially those of popular election in the national and municipal order (Cárdenas, 2021). Thus, socio-political movements against cockfighting are present at national and international level, and although they use different strategies, depending on where they come from, they all aim at the legal prohibition of cockfighting. Cockfights act as thermometers of the social, political and legal changes that present-day society is experiencing. There is an obvious dichotomy in the concept of animal abuse between the breeding of fighting cocks and the production of poultry meat for human consumption. Demonstrating that we take advantage of animal suffering hiding in the production chain, and therefore we promote a process of social hypersensitivity showing animals as sentient beings and rejecting identity behaviors which, in turn, become new forms of crime in Colombian society.Acciones colectivas de las organizaciones sociales y su papel en la construcción de ciudades seguras para las mujeres desde el empoderamiento individual al colectivoTibaduiza Mariño, Olga Zayuryhttps://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/177552019-09-19T12:37:54Z2018-01-01T00:00:00Zdc.title: Acciones colectivas de las organizaciones sociales y su papel en la construcción de ciudades seguras para las mujeres desde el empoderamiento individual al colectivo
dc.description.abstract: This research analyzes the collective actions of two social organizations of women in the construction of safe cities. For this, it is useful to study them from four basic elements proposed by Sidney Tarrow (2011). In the development of this work, the elaboration of semi-structured interviews to leaders and key people in the organizations, as well as an analysis of their publications and stories, made it possible to reflect on the structural problems and the use of conceptual correlations with the subject of security in cities and differential risks by gender.
dc.description: Esta investigación analiza las acciones colectivas de dos organizaciones sociales de mujeres en la construcción de ciudades seguras. Para ello se sirve de estudiarlas desde cuatro elementos básicos propuestos por Sidney Tarrow (2011). En el desarrollo de este trabajo, la elaboración de entrevistas semiestructuradas a líderes y personas clave en las organizaciones, así como el análisis de sus publicaciones y relatos, permitió reflexionar en torno a las problemáticas estructurales y el uso de las correlaciones conceptuales frente al tema de la seguridad en las ciudades y los riesgos diferenciales por género.
2018-01-01T00:00:00ZTibaduiza Mariño, Olga ZayuryThis research analyzes the collective actions of two social organizations of women in the construction of safe cities. For this, it is useful to study them from four basic elements proposed by Sidney Tarrow (2011). In the development of this work, the elaboration of semi-structured interviews to leaders and key people in the organizations, as well as an analysis of their publications and stories, made it possible to reflect on the structural problems and the use of conceptual correlations with the subject of security in cities and differential risks by gender.Acción Colectiva e Interseccionalidad en la Red Nacional de Mujeres Afrocolombianas KambiríAngulo Ramírez, Dianahttps://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/139832021-06-03T05:48:23Z2017-01-01T00:00:00Zdc.title: Acción Colectiva e Interseccionalidad en la Red Nacional de Mujeres Afrocolombianas Kambirí
dc.description.abstract: The collective action processes of the National Network of Afrodescendant Kambirí Women (RNMAK) are carried out in a complex network of relationships with local, governmental and international actors. In this scenario, the Afro-descendant women of RNMAK have managed to turn these relationships around, accessing educational capital and positioning themselves in political spaces in search of the recognition of their rights, from their Africanity and gender status.
This research approached the theme through a case study with a focus on intersectionality and ethnographic method that required following the life trajectory of RNMAK women in the conformation of networks and sorority bonds, which have allowed them the realization of collective actions, thus claiming the role of Afro-descendant women in the micro-spaces where they have their working nodes.
dc.description: Los procesos de acción colectiva de la Red Nacional de Mujeres Afrodescendientes Kambirí (RNMAK) se realizan en un entramado complejo de relacionamiento con actores locales, gubernamentales e internacionales. En ese escenario, las mujeres afrodescendientes de la RNMAK han logrado dar un giro a esas relaciones, accediendo al capital educativo y posicionándose en espacios políticos en busca del reconocimiento de sus derechos, desde su africanidad y su condición de género.
Esta investigación se aproximó a la temática mediante un estudio de caso con un enfoque de interseccionalidad y método etnográfico que requirió seguir la trayectoria de vida de las mujeres de la RNMAK en la conformación de redes de trabajo y vínculos de sororidad, los cuales les han permitido la realización de acciones colectivas, reivindicando así el papel de la mujer afrodescendiente en los micro espacios donde tienen sus nodos de trabajo.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZAngulo Ramírez, DianaThe collective action processes of the National Network of Afrodescendant Kambirí Women (RNMAK) are carried out in a complex network of relationships with local, governmental and international actors. In this scenario, the Afro-descendant women of RNMAK have managed to turn these relationships around, accessing educational capital and positioning themselves in political spaces in search of the recognition of their rights, from their Africanity and gender status.
This research approached the theme through a case study with a focus on intersectionality and ethnographic method that required following the life trajectory of RNMAK women in the conformation of networks and sorority bonds, which have allowed them the realization of collective actions, thus claiming the role of Afro-descendant women in the micro-spaces where they have their working nodes.Análisis de la incidencia de armas no convencionales sobre la Seguridad Humana en sociedades postconflicto. El caso de Camboya y las minas antipersonal. Periodo de estudio: 1998 - 2008Mora Rodríguez, Alexandrahttps://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/47242021-06-03T05:46:44Z2013-01-01T00:00:00Zdc.title: Análisis de la incidencia de armas no convencionales sobre la Seguridad Humana en sociedades postconflicto. El caso de Camboya y las minas antipersonal. Periodo de estudio: 1998 - 2008
dc.description.abstract: This research addresses the incidence of non-conventional weapons on Human Security in post-conflict societies, based on the case-study of anti-personnel landmines in Cambodia. The study includes a historical background of the war and conflict scenarios that for several decades affected the Cambodian society. Such background is essential to understand the complexity of the landmine phenomenon that is currently faced in the country. As a result, Human Security is analyzed based on the affliction caused by anti-personnel landmines on the survival of civilians and other human groups that have been and continue to be harmed by the presence and involuntary activation of such weapons. The analysis is conducted taking into consideration issues such as: the response of the Cambodian government to overcome the problem; the initiatives undertaken by national and international non-governmental organizations to address the same concern; the particularities of the Asian context; and, the understandings and interpretations in the region towards the concept and practice of Human Security. This research is conducted based on the discipline of International Relations within the theoretical framework of Critical Security Studies.
The main findings of the investigation show that the effects of anti-personnel landmines in Cambodia on Human Security are considerably negative, since they seriously jeopardize the effective right to survival of civilians; generate constant threats and risks to both individuals and groups that lead to the weakening of the social tissue; cause Human Rights violations of those who have survived; and impose great challenges -at the social and political level, among others- to overcome both the presence of such weapons as well as the effects they produce.
dc.description: La presente investigación constituye un análisis de la incidencia que tienen las armas no convencionales sobre la Seguridad Humana en sociedades postconflicto, cuyo caso de estudio es el Estado de Camboya bajo la problemática de las minas antipersonal. Dentro de este contexto, se hace un abordaje histórico de los escenarios de guerra y conflictos que por varias décadas marcaron a la sociedad camboyana y que se presentan, como aspectos sustanciales para comprender la complejidad del fenómeno de las minas antipersonal que en la actualidad se encuentra vigente. En este sentido, se analiza la Seguridad Humana a partir del compromiso causado sobre la supervivencia de las personas y de los grupos humanos que han sido y continúan siendo afectados por la presencia y activación de dichas armas. Lo anterior se lleva a cabo considerando aspectos como: las acciones e inacciones que a lo largo de los años el gobierno de Camboya ha emprendido para lograr la superación de la problemática, el trabajo de ONG nacionales e internacionales, las particularidades del contexto asiático; y las posiciones que se mantienen frente a la noción y la práctica del concepto de la Seguridad Humana en la región. Un análisis que se sustenta en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales dentro del marco teórico de los Estudios Críticos de Seguridad.
En consecuencia, los resultados de la investigación indican que las incidencias que causan las minas antipersonal sobre las Seguridad Humana en Camboya son catastróficas porque afectan gravemente el orden regular bajo el cual se hace efectiva la supervivencia de las personas; generan constantes amenazas y riesgos tanto particulares como colectivos que fracturan el tejido social; ocasionan violaciones a los derechos humanos de quienes han sobrevivido; e imponen grandes desafíos [entre ellos, políticos y sociales] para superar tanto la presencia de dichas armas como los efectos que producen.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZMora Rodríguez, AlexandraThis research addresses the incidence of non-conventional weapons on Human Security in post-conflict societies, based on the case-study of anti-personnel landmines in Cambodia. The study includes a historical background of the war and conflict scenarios that for several decades affected the Cambodian society. Such background is essential to understand the complexity of the landmine phenomenon that is currently faced in the country. As a result, Human Security is analyzed based on the affliction caused by anti-personnel landmines on the survival of civilians and other human groups that have been and continue to be harmed by the presence and involuntary activation of such weapons. The analysis is conducted taking into consideration issues such as: the response of the Cambodian government to overcome the problem; the initiatives undertaken by national and international non-governmental organizations to address the same concern; the particularities of the Asian context; and, the understandings and interpretations in the region towards the concept and practice of Human Security. This research is conducted based on the discipline of International Relations within the theoretical framework of Critical Security Studies.
The main findings of the investigation show that the effects of anti-personnel landmines in Cambodia on Human Security are considerably negative, since they seriously jeopardize the effective right to survival of civilians; generate constant threats and risks to both individuals and groups that lead to the weakening of the social tissue; cause Human Rights violations of those who have survived; and impose great challenges -at the social and political level, among others- to overcome both the presence of such weapons as well as the effects they produce.Análisis de las Políticas de Vivienda Social en Barranquilla, Cartagena, Bucaramanga y Pereira 2012 – 2021: una aproximación desde el enfoque de análisis cognitivo a partir de los instrumentos de planificación y de gobiernoVanegas Cediel, Luis Hernandohttps://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/400772023-07-08T08:00:18Zdc.title: Análisis de las Políticas de Vivienda Social en Barranquilla, Cartagena, Bucaramanga y Pereira 2012 – 2021: una aproximación desde el enfoque de análisis cognitivo a partir de los instrumentos de planificación y de gobierno
dc.description.abstract: Cities in Colombia face significant challenges in terms of housing conditions as they seek to improve the quality of life and reduce poverty among their populations. to improve the quality of life and reduce poverty among their population: on the one hand, they must strengthen basic quality and housing conditions, the existence of sufficient housing to respond to the growing demand for homes in formation, the security of tenure and the qualification of the built city; on the other, they must guarantee available and sufficient land with access to public services, communication networks and equipment so that the city can grow and satisfy the necessary demand for housing. These interventions are undertaken under a dual logic, where the national government and subnational governments have specific roles and frameworks for action. However, some cities have managed to impact their housing problems than others, if their housing deficit indicators, both qualitative and quantitative, are analyzed. With this understanding, making use of the cognitive analysis scheme of public policies, as well as the classification of Social Housing Policies elaborated by Jolly (2010), this research seeks to identify which Social Housing Policies have been established in the cities of Barranquilla, Cartagena, Bucaramanga and Pereira between 2012 and 2021, identifying the aspects that articulate and differentiate them, likewise, the factors that motivated these policy decisions and that can explain the differentiated behaviors of housing issues in these cities. This analysis is carried out having as a fundamental source the planning and government instruments as instruments of public action that have a specific representation of housing problems in each of the cities.
dc.description: Las ciudades en Colombia enfrentan desafíos significativos frente a sus condiciones habitacionales en busca de mejorar la calidad de vida y reducir la pobreza en su población: por un lado, deben afianzar las condiciones de calidad y habitacional básicas, la existencia de viviendas suficientes para responder a la demanda creciente de hogares en formación, la seguridad de la tenencia y la cualificación de la ciudad construida; por el otro, deben garantizar el suelo disponible y suficiente con acceso a servicios públicos, redes de comunicación y equipamientos para que la ciudad pueda crecer y satisfacer la demanda de viviendas necesaria. Estas intervenciones se emprenden bajo una lógica dual, donde el gobierno nacional como los gobiernos subnacionales, tienen roles y marcos de acción específicos. Sin embargo, algunas ciudades han logrado impactar con mayor contundencia sus problemas habitacionales que otras, esto si se analizan sus indicadores de déficit habitacional tanto cualitativos como cuantitativos. Bajo este entendido, haciendo uso del esquema de análisis cognitivo de las políticas públicas, así como de la clasificación de las Políticas de Vivienda Social elaborada por Jolly (2010), esta investigación busca identificar qué Políticas de Vivienda Social se han establecido en las ciudades de Barranquilla, Cartagena, Bucaramanga y Pereira entre 2012 y 2021 identificando cuáles han sido los aspectos que las articulan y las diferencian, así mismo, los factores que motivaron dichas decisiones de política y que pueden explicar los comportamientos diferenciados de los asuntos de vivienda en estas ciudades. Este análisis se realiza teniendo como fuente fundamental los instrumentos de planificación y de gobierno como instrumentos de acción pública que tienen una representación específica de los problemas habitacionales en cada una de las ciudades.
Vanegas Cediel, Luis HernandoCities in Colombia face significant challenges in terms of housing conditions as they seek to improve the quality of life and reduce poverty among their populations. to improve the quality of life and reduce poverty among their population: on the one hand, they must strengthen basic quality and housing conditions, the existence of sufficient housing to respond to the growing demand for homes in formation, the security of tenure and the qualification of the built city; on the other, they must guarantee available and sufficient land with access to public services, communication networks and equipment so that the city can grow and satisfy the necessary demand for housing. These interventions are undertaken under a dual logic, where the national government and subnational governments have specific roles and frameworks for action. However, some cities have managed to impact their housing problems than others, if their housing deficit indicators, both qualitative and quantitative, are analyzed. With this understanding, making use of the cognitive analysis scheme of public policies, as well as the classification of Social Housing Policies elaborated by Jolly (2010), this research seeks to identify which Social Housing Policies have been established in the cities of Barranquilla, Cartagena, Bucaramanga and Pereira between 2012 and 2021, identifying the aspects that articulate and differentiate them, likewise, the factors that motivated these policy decisions and that can explain the differentiated behaviors of housing issues in these cities. This analysis is carried out having as a fundamental source the planning and government instruments as instruments of public action that have a specific representation of housing problems in each of the cities.Brasil y su actual condición de potencia en la política mundial: entre juegos de percepciones y definiciones académicas (1994-2010)Córdoba Guzmán, Dirceo Olmedohttps://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/41932021-06-03T05:45:23Z2012-01-01T00:00:00Zdc.title: Brasil y su actual condición de potencia en la política mundial: entre juegos de percepciones y definiciones académicas (1994-2010)
dc.description.abstract: This research addresses, from a broad perspective, the analysis of the current power condition of the Federal Republic of Brazil. Through the complement between neorealist statements, the geo-economic proposal and the constructivist approach, in addition to the valuable contributions of the studies about «securitization» and «europeanization»; this research argues that the Brazilian power emerges product of the articulation of the factors, both material and subjective, of power. The former synergy leads to the creation of the concept of «potencialización» which allows the comprehension of the construction of Brazil's power as a process, a conceptual proposal that will be useful for future studies on the matter.
dc.description: El estudio aborda desde una perspectiva ampliada, el análisis de la actual condición de potencia de la República Federativa de Brasil. A través del complemento entre los planteamientos neorrealistas, la propuesta de la geo-economía y el abordaje constructivista, además de los muy valiosos aportes de los estudios sobre «securitización» y «europeización»; esta investigación sostiene que la potencia brasileña emerge producto de la articulación de los factores tanto materiales como subjetivos del poder. La anterior sinergia deriva en la creación del concepto de «potencialización», el cual permite comprender la construcción de la potencia de Brasil como un proceso, propuesta conceptual que será útil para futuros estudios sobre este tema.
2012-01-01T00:00:00ZCórdoba Guzmán, Dirceo OlmedoThis research addresses, from a broad perspective, the analysis of the current power condition of the Federal Republic of Brazil. Through the complement between neorealist statements, the geo-economic proposal and the constructivist approach, in addition to the valuable contributions of the studies about «securitization» and «europeanization»; this research argues that the Brazilian power emerges product of the articulation of the factors, both material and subjective, of power. The former synergy leads to the creation of the concept of «potencialización» which allows the comprehension of the construction of Brazil's power as a process, a conceptual proposal that will be useful for future studies on the matter.Comida catalana como instrumento de proyección exterior: dispositivos de la gastro-paradiplomacia de Cataluña entre 2012 y 2016Ruiz Gallego, Andrés Felipehttps://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/334172022-08-29T20:35:16Zdc.title: Comida catalana como instrumento de proyección exterior: dispositivos de la gastro-paradiplomacia de Cataluña entre 2012 y 2016
dc.description.abstract: The main purpose of this work is to understand the process of instrumentalization of gastronomic culture as a tool of the cultural paradiplomacy in Catalonia, between 2012 and 2016. Hence, the research is committed to analyzing in depth the forms of what is conceptualized here as “gastro-paradiplomacy”, that is, the implementation of external action exercises by a sub-national unit through gastronomy. In particular, emphasis is placed on the campaign for Catalan gastronomy to be recognized by UNESCO as intangible heritage of humanity (2012-2014) and on the project for Catalonia to be recognized by the International Institute of Gastronomy, Culture and Arts (IGCAT) with the award for European Gastronomic Region (2016). These two “devices” were analyzed in the light of a long-term history, where it is argued that Catalan foreign action through gastronomy was developed within the framework of a process in which informal practices of international projection were consolidated and legitimizing in time. Thus, the dissertation reflects two fronts of international studies: on the one hand, in the place of culture, particularly that related to gastronomy, in international relations and, on the other, in the place of foreign action subnational units and the conflicts that this raises.
dc.description: El presente trabajo tiene como propósito central comprender el proceso de instrumentalización de la cultura gastronómica como una herramienta de la paradiplomacia de Cataluña, entre el 2012 y el 2016. De ahí que la investigación apueste por analizar a profundidad las formas de lo que aquí se conceptualiza como “gastro-paradiplomacia”, esto es, la puesta en marcha de ejercicios de acción exterior por parte de una unidad subnacional a través de la gastronomía. En lo particular, se hace énfasis en la campaña para que la gastronomía catalana fuera reconocida por la UNESCO como patrimonio inmaterial de la humanidad (2012-2014) y en el proyecto para que Cataluña fuera reconocida por el International Institute of Gastronomy, Culture and Arts (IGCAT), con el premio a Región Gastronómica Europea (2016). Estos dos “dispositivos” fueron analizados a la luz de una historia de más largo aliento, donde se argumenta que la acción exterior catalana a través de la gastronomía se desarrolló en el marco de un proceso en el que prácticas informales de proyección internacional se fueron consolidando y legitimando en el tiempo. Así las cosas, la monografía reflexiona sobre dos frentes de los estudios internacionales: por un lado, en el lugar de la cultura, particularmente la relacionada con la gastronomía, en las relaciones internacionales y, por el otro, en el lugar de la acción exterior de las unidades subnacionales y los conflictos que ello suscita.
Ruiz Gallego, Andrés FelipeThe main purpose of this work is to understand the process of instrumentalization of gastronomic culture as a tool of the cultural paradiplomacy in Catalonia, between 2012 and 2016. Hence, the research is committed to analyzing in depth the forms of what is conceptualized here as “gastro-paradiplomacy”, that is, the implementation of external action exercises by a sub-national unit through gastronomy. In particular, emphasis is placed on the campaign for Catalan gastronomy to be recognized by UNESCO as intangible heritage of humanity (2012-2014) and on the project for Catalonia to be recognized by the International Institute of Gastronomy, Culture and Arts (IGCAT) with the award for European Gastronomic Region (2016). These two “devices” were analyzed in the light of a long-term history, where it is argued that Catalan foreign action through gastronomy was developed within the framework of a process in which informal practices of international projection were consolidated and legitimizing in time. Thus, the dissertation reflects two fronts of international studies: on the one hand, in the place of culture, particularly that related to gastronomy, in international relations and, on the other, in the place of foreign action subnational units and the conflicts that this raises.Como el agua entre los dedos. Estudio de los impactos de un proyecto hidroeléctrico, y de las frágiles y débiles acciones colectivas en la defensa de un río: Caso HidrosogamosoArdila Valderrama, Nellyhttps://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/49612021-06-03T05:46:33Z2014-01-01T00:00:00Zdc.title: Como el agua entre los dedos. Estudio de los impactos de un proyecto hidroeléctrico, y de las frágiles y débiles acciones colectivas en la defensa de un río: Caso Hidrosogamoso
dc.description.abstract: The collective action in the management and government of the common pool resources (CPR) will be one of the topics that generate big controversies (especially when it is about natural resources and process of governance and water management) because of different approaches about the development. The present study offer an analysis of the collective action in the management and government of CPR in the case of Hidrosogamoso in Santander; also suggest an analysis of environmental, social and economic consequences, advantages, and harmful effects that a hydroelectric protect can have; examines some basic postulates of collective action theory and the CPR, from the bioeconomic approach; and moreover describes some communitarian experiences of self-government and preservation of the river. Also, it studies the context of strategic interaction in the protect zone, locating the principal political opportunities and influential allies during the phase of construction of the hydroelectric. Finally, in the conclusions, are suggested some alternatives that can help to make public the problems generated by the megaproject.
dc.description: La acción colectiva en el manejo y gobierno de los recursos de uso común (RUC) seguirá siendo uno de los asuntos que genera mayores controversias (especialmente cuando se trata de recursos naturales y procesos de gobernanza y gestión del agua), debido a los diversos enfoques que sobre el desarrollo se tienen. El presente estudio aborda el análisis de la acción colectiva en el manejo y gobierno de los recursos de uso común a partir del caso Hidrosogamoso en Santander. Además de ofrecer un análisis de los impactos ambientales, sociales y económicos, ventajas y efectos nocivos que puede tener un proyecto hidroeléctrico, se examinan algunos de los postulados básicos de la teoría de la acción colectiva y los RUC, con alguna alusión al enfoque de la bioeconomía. También se describe una de las experiencias comunitarias de autogobierno y preservación del río. Asimismo se estudia el contexto de interacción estratégica en la zona, en el conflicto entre quienes defienden el río y quienes abogan por el proyecto; se ubican las principales oportunidades políticas y aliados influyentes de los opositores durante la fase de construcción de la hidroeléctrica. Al final se insinúan posibles alternativas que podrían ayudar en la visibilización de las problemáticas generadas por el megaproyecto.
2014-01-01T00:00:00ZArdila Valderrama, NellyThe collective action in the management and government of the common pool resources (CPR) will be one of the topics that generate big controversies (especially when it is about natural resources and process of governance and water management) because of different approaches about the development. The present study offer an analysis of the collective action in the management and government of CPR in the case of Hidrosogamoso in Santander; also suggest an analysis of environmental, social and economic consequences, advantages, and harmful effects that a hydroelectric protect can have; examines some basic postulates of collective action theory and the CPR, from the bioeconomic approach; and moreover describes some communitarian experiences of self-government and preservation of the river. Also, it studies the context of strategic interaction in the protect zone, locating the principal political opportunities and influential allies during the phase of construction of the hydroelectric. Finally, in the conclusions, are suggested some alternatives that can help to make public the problems generated by the megaproject.Comprendiendo la política de seguridad internacional de Canadá: tras las huellas de los discursos liberales y realistas de una potencia media (1993-2008)Rodríguez Morales, Federmán Antoniohttps://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/29982019-09-19T12:37:01Z2012-01-01T00:00:00Zdc.title: Comprendiendo la política de seguridad internacional de Canadá: tras las huellas de los discursos liberales y realistas de una potencia media (1993-2008)
dc.description.abstract: This research attempts to contribute to the understanding of Canada’s international security policy. In order to fulfill this goal, this research attempts to achieve two specific goals: a) to offer a critical review of the state of knowledge about this policy, b) to interpret the liberal and realist discourses, which shaped the Canadian International security policy during the Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) and Stephen Harper (2006-2008)’s governments. The liberal discourses are understood here as complex beliefs that specify the moral obligation to engage in cosmopolitical projects, such as the promotion of human rights, the stabilization of the so-called fragile and failed states or the contribution to the liberal-democratic values. The realist discourses are conceived as complex beliefs derived from the realpolitik spirit. Those beliefs specify that states must pursue its national interests regardless of moral considerations.
dc.description: Esta investigación pretende contribuir a la comprensión de la política de seguridad internacional de Canadá. Para cumplir con dicho objetivo, esta investigación plantea dos propósitos específicos: a) ofrecer una revisión crítica del estado de conocimiento sobre esta política; y b) interpretar los discursos realistas y liberales que configuraron la política canadiense de seguridad internacional durante los gobiernos de Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) y Stephen Harper (2006-2008). Los discursos liberales son entendidos aquí como complejos de creencias que precisan la obligación moral de comprometerse con proyectos cosmopolitas, tales como la promoción de los derechos humanos, la estabilización de los denominados Estados frágiles y fallidos o la contribución a los valores democrático-liberales. Los discursos realistas son entendidos como complejos de creencias derivados del espíritu de la realpolitik. Estas creencias señalan que los Estados deben buscar sus intereses nacionales independientemente de consideraciones morales.
2012-01-01T00:00:00ZRodríguez Morales, Federmán AntonioThis research attempts to contribute to the understanding of Canada’s international security policy. In order to fulfill this goal, this research attempts to achieve two specific goals: a) to offer a critical review of the state of knowledge about this policy, b) to interpret the liberal and realist discourses, which shaped the Canadian International security policy during the Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) and Stephen Harper (2006-2008)’s governments. The liberal discourses are understood here as complex beliefs that specify the moral obligation to engage in cosmopolitical projects, such as the promotion of human rights, the stabilization of the so-called fragile and failed states or the contribution to the liberal-democratic values. The realist discourses are conceived as complex beliefs derived from the realpolitik spirit. Those beliefs specify that states must pursue its national interests regardless of moral considerations.Construcción de paz en Colombia : un estudio de caso a partir de la experiencia del programa Nuevos Territorios de Paz (NTP) en el departamento del Guaviare (2011 – 2016)Corzo Arbeláez, Diana Carolinahttps://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/142892021-06-03T05:48:06Z2017-01-01T00:00:00Zdc.title: Construcción de paz en Colombia : un estudio de caso a partir de la experiencia del programa Nuevos Territorios de Paz (NTP) en el departamento del Guaviare (2011 – 2016)
dc.description.abstract: This research analyses a peacebuilding experience in Colombia in which public institutions and civil society organizations converge. It is about the New Territories of Peace program, supported by the European Union and the Colombian Government, and specifically, its implementation in the department of Guaviare, one of the most historically affected regions in Colombia by the armed conflict.
dc.description: La investigación analiza los impactos del programa Nuevos Territorios de Paz en el departamento del Guaviare, a la luz de las teorías de Johan Galtung y John Paul Lederach, por medio de la implementación de la metodología Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment (PCIA) del investigador Kenneth Bush.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZCorzo Arbeláez, Diana CarolinaThis research analyses a peacebuilding experience in Colombia in which public institutions and civil society organizations converge. It is about the New Territories of Peace program, supported by the European Union and the Colombian Government, and specifically, its implementation in the department of Guaviare, one of the most historically affected regions in Colombia by the armed conflict.