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    Conflict-induced poverty: Evidence from Colombia
    (2014) Lemus, Natalia
    Colombia is a country with both high incidence of poverty and an ongoing civil conflict. This study uses measures of government deterrence and anti-narcotic activity as instruments of conflict-specific variables to estimate the impact of conflict on poverty in Colombia. Using census-level data at the municipality level for 2005, I assess the effect of conflict on both the urban and rural incidence of the newly developed Multidimensional Poverty Index. The findings show that the incidence of conflict significantly increases rural, but not urban, poverty. This is consistent with the fact that most of the conflict in Colombia takes place in rural areas. I also explore the lagged effect of conflict on poverty to conclude that it lasts for at least 3 years, but decreases over time. Finally, I show that the results are robust to a battery of additional specifications, including the use of alternative conflict data and a modified version of the dependent variable. © 2014 by Walter de Gruyter Berlin Boston 2014.
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    Tegucigalpa through the Conflicts for the Urban Primacy in Honduras, s. XVIII-XX
    (2017-07-26) Navarrete Calix, Daniela
    El presente es un estudio con enfoque histórico-cronológico de larga duración que busca responder a la cuestión sobre el impacto que generaron y generan los conflictos por la primacía urbana en Honduras. Este concepto, propio de la geografía urbana, se articula transversalmente con los eventos que manifestaron esa conflictividad, a saber: cambios en la jerarquía urbana, en las relaciones socio-históricas, ciclos de economía y la evolución de los transportes. Para ello bordaremos tres momentos claves de la conflictividad: la lucha por la restitución de la Alcaldía Mayor de Tegucigalpa durante el Régimen de Intendencias (1788-1812), la pugna por convertirse en la capital del país en el proceso de invención del Estado-Nación (1821-1880) y la dicotomía urbana ante San Pedro Sula (1920-1990). Esta última, epicentro de los proyectos económicos liberales y neoliberales del país.
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    Typhoid fever in nineteenth-century Colombia: Between medical geography and bacteriology
    (2014) García, Mónica
    This paper analyses how the Colombian medical elites made sense of typhoid fever before and during the inception of bacteriological ideas and practices in the second half of the nineteenth century. Assuming that the identity of typhoid fever has to be understood within the broader concerns of the medical community in question, I show how doctors first identified Bogotá's epidemics as typhoid fever during the 1850s, and how they also attached specificity to the fever amongst other continuous fevers, such as its European and North American counterparts. I also found that, in contrast with the discussions amongst their colleagues from other countries, debates about typhoid fever in 1860-70 among doctors in Colombia were framed within the medico-geographical scheme and strongly shaped by the fear of typhoid fever appearing alongside 'paludic' fevers in the highlands. By arguing in medico-geographical and clinical terms that typhoid fever had specificity in Colombia, and by denying the medico-geographical law of antagonism between typhoid and paludic fevers proposed by the Frenchman Charles Boudin, Colombian doctors managed to question European knowledge and claimed that typhoid fever had distinct features in Colombia. The focus on paludic and typhoid fevers in the highlands might explain why the bacteriological aetiology of typhoid fever was ignored and even contested during the 1880s. Anti-Pasteurian arguments were raised against its germ identity and some physicians even supported the idea of spontaneous origin of the disease. By the 1890s, Pasteurian knowledge had come to shape clinical and hygienic practices. © 2014 the Author(s).
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    Democratic Deliberation in Deeply Divided Societies: From Conflict to Common Ground
    (2014) Ugarriza Uribe, Juan Esteban; Caluwaerts D.
    Through case-analysis and cross-sectional assessment of eleven countries this collection explores the most deeply divided societies in the world in order to highlight what deliberative democracy looks like in a deeply divided society and to understand the conditions that deliberative democracies could realistically emerge in difficult circumstances. © Respective authors 2014. All rights reserved.
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    Entrepreneurial Activity in the Context of Violent Conflict: Business and Organized Violence in Colombia1
    (2011) Rettberg A.; Leiteritz, Ralf Juan; Nasi C.
    The Colombian private sector has been accused of promoting or profiting from violence in the country. However, the private sector's role in the violent conflict and the impact of conflict on economic and entrepreneurial activity vary, as reflected by differences in political activism in peacebuilding strategies and in costs endured according to company size, sector, and region of operations. At the same time, accounts of regional variation in conflict intensity suggest that an understanding of the Colombian context of violent conflict requires a subnational approach. This paper explores whether and how differences in regional violent conflict can be attributed to the make-up of economic organizations and entrepreneurial activity associated with the production of five natural resources (oil, coffee, bananas, emeralds, and flowers) in several Colombian regions. It is found that company-specific traits, institutions of production, and the nature of international markets have a significant impact on the link between entrepreneurial activity and regional and local dynamics of the violent conflict in Colombia. © 2011, Copyright CCSBE/CCPME.
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    Provision of public goods and violent conflict: Evidence from Colombia
    (2014) Cortés Cortés, Darwin; Montolio, Daniel
    The Colombian conflict has lasted for around 50 years. It has been fueled by the financial opportunities coming from production and traffic of illegal drugs, and predation of other natural resources. In such a context it is not clear what policies are more effective to reduce conflict. Two public policies that are frequently mentioned as effective to reduce conflict are investments in roads and education. However, a priori, both investments in roads and education may either increase or reduce conflict. After controlling for possible problems of endogeneity, we show that increases in roads provision reduces conflict while education does not. Because this is robust to controlling for measures of state capacity and governance, and the opportunity cost of conflict, our results are likely to be explained by the relative mobility of education and roads. Policies that increase roads provision might help to fight against the intensity of conflict. © 2014 by Walter de Gruyter Berlin Boston 2014.
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    Health-related needs of the displaced population due to armed conflict in Bogota
    (2003) Mogollón Pérez, Amparo Susana; Vázquez Navarrete Ma.L.; García Gil Ma.D.M.
    Background: The displacement of populations as the result of an armed conflict generally entails a worsening of the living and health conditions of those undergoing such a displacement. This paper is aimed at analyzing the health-related needs perceived by men and women displaced by the armed conflict and their main strategies to address those needs. Methods: A qualitative study was carried out by means of semistructured individual interviews to 31 displaced men and women in the transition stage. A narrative analysis of the contents was conducted, segmenting the information by age and sex. The area under study was made up of five localities in the city of Bogotá. Results: The negative effects on their mental health and psychosocial stability, access to food and, to a lesser degree, gastrointestinal and respiratory disorders, are the main health problems reported by both groups of informants. The difficulty of accessing health care services comes up as an added problem. The precarious economic situation underlies the health care-related needs and problems. To solve their health problems, in addition to the health care services, they employ other strategies within their reach. Expressed needs are coherent with the problems perceived. Some differences between women and men and age groups were observed concerning the definition of the problems and employed strategies. Conclusion: In the health field, actions are required in order to improve their access to services in addition to specific strategies for the psychosocial rehabilitation of the displaced population which take into account the differences existing within this group.
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    Endogenous Taxation in Ongoing Internal Conflict: The Case of Colombia
    (2018) CH, RAFAEL; SHAPIRO, JACOB; STEELE, ABBEY; Vargas Duque, Juan Fernando
    Recent empirical evidence suggests an ambiguous relationship between internal conflicts, state capacity, and tax performance. In theory, internal conflict should create strong incentives for governments to develop the fiscal capacity necessary to defeat rivals. We argue that one reason that this does not occur is because internal conflict enables groups with de facto power to capture local fiscal and property rights institutions. We test this mechanism in Colombia using data on tax performance and property rights institutions at the municipal level. Municipalities affected by internal conflict have tax institutions consistent with the preferences of the parties dominating local violence. Those suffering more right-wing violence feature more land formalization and higher property tax revenues. Municipalities with substantial left-wing guerrilla violence collect less tax revenue and witness less land formalization. Our findings provide systematic evidence that internal armed conflict helps interest groups capture municipal institutions for their own private benefit, impeding state-building. Copyright © American Political Science Association 2018.
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    The Effect of Perspective-Giving on Postconflict Reconciliation. An Experimental Approach
    (2017) Ugarriza Uribe, Juan Esteban; Nussio E.
    Discussion groups are a promising tool for bridging the divide between former conflict antagonists. However, such groups do not always produce the desired outcome of improved attitudes, even when they meet the conditions generally seen as favoring positive interaction. In this article, we examine specific discussion protocols that mitigate polarization risks while fostering reconciliation. Using a randomized, controlled design, we formed a pool of 429 ex-combatants and members of conflict-affected communities in Colombia. Participants were asked to join heterogeneous groups and discuss their proposals for the future of Colombia. Overall, community members improved their attitudes towards ex-combatants significantly, while ex-combatants’ attitudes toward community members do not tend to polarize. Those participants who were randomly assigned to a perspective-giving treatment protocol (where they were asked to refer to their personal experience and perspective) consistently improved their intergroup attitudes towards ex-combatants, and by a proportionally higher percentage than those taking part under argumentation and no-treatment control conditions. © 2016 International Society of Political Psychology
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    Ideologies and conflict in the post-cold war
    (2009-02-13) Ugarriza Uribe, Juan Esteban
    Purpose The aim of this article is to apply a re?worked definition of ideology in order to account for cultural and political dimensions of contemporary armed conflicts. Design/methodology/approach The paper analyzes communiqués, press releases, magazines, pamphlets, speeches, interviews and other communicational media produced by insurgent organizations in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Colombia, particularly in the post?Cold War, in order to assess the characteristics of their ideological platforms. The extensive use of these primary sources aims at revealing the way the organizations see themselves, and how important ideological warfare is in their overall strategy. Findings In the post?Cold War, and even in the early twenty?first century, armed guerrillas persisted in linking their armed struggle to ideological platforms, though in more flexible versions. Nationalism, fundamentalism and socialism are functional to their tactics and strategies, and have tangible effects at strategic and tactical levels. Research limitations/implications Three sample cases have been revised exhaustively, but that methodology impedes the examination of a wider spectrum of post?Cold War insurgent organizations, which may balance the results here presented. However, the high relevance of the ideological component in contemporary armed conflicts, as shown in the Afghan, Congolese and Colombian cases, demonstrates the need for further academic works on this topic. Practical implications Re?defining ideology, as the paper proposes, turns it into a powerful conceptual tool to be used in academic research, given that precisely the absence of comprehensive categories of analysis has prevented scholars from providing a full picture of the political and cultural dimensions of contemporary armed conflicts. Originality/value As economic?focused researches on armed conflicts have dominated the field since the 1990s, the paper underlines the need for scholars to approach a broader scope in peace studies.